$6.8B
Physical damage
Buildings, roads, infrastructure
$7.2B
Economic losses
Lost output, tourism, commerce
$11B
Reconstruction needs
58% of Lebanon's annual GDP
67%
Housing share of damage
$4.6B in homes destroyed
What these numbers mean:
These are not estimates of rebuilding cost alone - they are the full economic toll of the 2023-2024 conflict.
Physical damage ($6.8B) is what was destroyed: homes, hospitals, schools, roads, factories, farms. Two-thirds of it is residential housing - meaning the primary impact fell on families, not infrastructure.
Economic losses ($7.2B) are what the country stopped earning because of the conflict: tourism that did not arrive, businesses that closed, factories that stopped running, farmers who could not harvest. These losses continue to accumulate even after the fighting stops.
Reconstruction needs ($11B) is what it would cost to rebuild - and at $11 billion, that is more than half of Lebanon's entire annual GDP (~$19B in 2022). To put that in perspective: rebuilding from this conflict would require every dollar Lebanon earns in six months.
What is not included: This assessment covers October 8, 2023 to December 20, 2024 only. The new wave of conflict that began March 2, 2026 - which displaced over one million people and caused significant new destruction in Nabatiyeh and Bint Jbeil - is not reflected in these figures. A new RDNA will be needed to capture the full cost.
Physical damage by governorate (US$ millions)
Nabatiyeh and South bear 70% of all physical destruction. Baalbek-Hermel and the Bekaa also suffered significant damage from Israeli strikes.
Damage, losses and reconstruction needs by sector
Housing accounts for 67% of all physical damage and 57% of all reconstruction needs ($6.3B). Commerce and tourism losses ($3.4B) reflect the nationwide economic paralysis.
Lebanese port activity - vessel calls and imports (IMF PortWatch, 2019-2026)
Satellite-tracked vessel arrivals (AIS signals) at Lebanon's 5 main ports. A third independent corroborating signal alongside nighttime light and the World Bank assessment - ships cannot be bribed.
Source: IMF PortWatch / OCHA, via HDX. Updated weekly. Note: data starts January 2019; pre-2019 history available on request from portwatch@imf.org.
What this chart shows:
The pre-collapse baseline (2019): Beirut port averaged 153 vessel arrivals per month before the financial crisis. It is by far Lebanon's dominant port, handling the majority of the country's maritime imports.
The August 2020 explosion: Vessel calls to Beirut dropped 34% in a single month - from 125 in July to 83 in August 2020. This is the sharpest single-month shock in the record and is visible immediately on the red line. The port's grain silos and warehouse infrastructure were destroyed, and it took years to partially restore capacity.
The economic collapse (2019-2022): Beirut's monthly average fell from 153 in 2019 to 92 in 2022 - a 40% decline. Import volumes collapsed by 44%: from 8.5 million metric tons in 2019 to 4.7 million in 2022. This is not a port problem - it is a country that could no longer afford to import. The satellite light data tells the same story from a different angle.
The fuel crisis (2021): Tanker calls - the vessels that bring fuel - dropped sharply in 2021 as the state could not finance fuel imports. This is visible as a dip in Beirut's line specifically during the period when EDL electricity collapsed to near zero.
Tripoli's unusual rise: While Beirut declined, Tripoli (blue line) actually increased - from 34 vessel calls/month in 2019 to 50 in 2022. This reflects trade diversion: as Beirut's damaged port struggled, some cargo was rerouted north. It is not a sign of northern economic strength; it is a consequence of Beirut's damage.
The war period (2023-2024): Saida port (orange line), located in the southern conflict zone, saw vessel calls drop from an average of 19/month before October 2023 to 14/month during the war - a 26% decline. The southern ports (Saida and Tyre) serve the same hinterland as the districts most affected by the conflict.
Exports: the collapse was even sharper than imports. Beirut's export volumes fell 66% between 2019 and 2021 - from 1.74 million metric tons to 598,000. Export revenue as a share of imports dropped from 21% to 11%, meaning Lebanon became even more dependent on imports precisely as it could no longer afford them. This is a structural feature of the collapse: the country's ability to earn foreign exchange through exports deteriorated faster than its consumption of foreign goods.
The Tripoli export anomaly. While the rest of Lebanon collapsed, Tripoli's exports grew by a factor of 5 - from 222,000 metric tons in 2019 to 1.27 million in 2023. This is one of the most striking signals in the entire dataset and has no clear explanation from Lebanon's domestic economy alone. Possible causes include Syrian goods being re-exported through Tripoli following changes in regional trade routes, construction and raw materials moving towards northern Syria, or activity related to Syria's post-Assad political transition. This finding is flagged here as an open question requiring investigation - it may represent legitimate trade growth or something more opaque. It warrants a dedicated inquiry.
Beirut: imports vs exports (metric tons)
Lebanon's extreme import dependency - and how the collapse made it worse. Exports fell 66% from 2019 to 2021.
Tripoli export surge (2021-2023) - an open question
Tripoli exports grew 5x from 2019 to 2023 while the rest of Lebanon collapsed. Cause unconfirmed - possible Syrian re-export, construction trade, or post-Assad transition activity.